There Is No More Effective Policy for Reducing Heat Risks than a Fair Workplace and Fair Pay

Socially disadvantaged people are disproportionately affected by temperature extremes. A recent study explored this point in Cambodia: one of the world's hottest and most humid countries. It evidenced the extent of the heat exposure faced by workers in Cambodia and the way occupational, environmental and geographical dynamics combine to shape it. The study’s lead author, Dr Laurie Parsons of Royal Holloway, University of London, contextualises this for the country’s garment workers.

Long Story, Cut Short
  • Not only does industry produce climate change through emissions. It produces climate vulnerability through labour.
  • Even as many of the industry’s 70 million workers face dangerous temperatures, many factories lack even a thermometer—let alone any means of ensuring that temperatures remain within safe limits.
  • Conditions in a Cambodian garment factory are not the results of Cambodian governance, but of economic systems that stretch far beyond Cambodian borders
Extreme temperatures are rapidly becoming an everyday part of working life around the world. With global temperatures now 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels, once-a-decade heatwaves will become biannual events by 2030. Garment workers, especially those in Cambodia, are vulnerable to such climate extremities.
Vulnerable Workers Extreme temperatures are rapidly becoming an everyday part of working life around the world. With global temperatures now 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels, once-a-decade heatwaves will become biannual events by 2030. Garment workers, especially those in Cambodia, are vulnerable to such climate extremities. International Labour Organization

texfash: Your new study highlights the severe and unequal impact of heat stress on workers across different sectors in Cambodia. Given that the garment industry is one of the country's largest employers, how do you see its labour structure and factory conditions interacting with the heat vulnerabilities you have documented?
Laurie Parsons: What this study shows is that the climate crisis has to be seen through the lens of labour. We are well used to the idea of climate change as a function of time, getting worse every year—and to a lesser extent we are used to the idea of climate change as shaped by space.

But using new technology what we can see is how huge a factor the work that you do is in your vulnerability to climate change. More so still, the labour that happens in places like Cambodia is not independent to that country. It is a part of a wider global system of production. So not only does industry produce climate change through emissions. It produces climate vulnerability through labour.

The research shows that workers with less power and fewer protections face the highest exposure to dangerous heat. In Cambodia’s garment sector, where many workers are women in precarious employment, how might this intersection of gender, informality, and climate risk intensify existing inequalities?
Laurie Parsons: This is one of the key findings. Workers are actually very good at identifying when they are in danger of overheating, but in many work settings, they don’t have the option to stop or slow down. This means they overheat and risk health problems not as a result of the ambient temperature, but of the combination of that temperature with a labour regime that doesn’t allow them the freedom to mitigate it.

This not only opens up a new way of at looking at the root of climate vulnerability, but also of resolving it. If we can give workers a little more power over their working conditions, then we can ameliorate the worst impacts of the climate crisis very cheaply.

One striking aspect of your findings is the absence of consistent mitigation measures for heat exposure. Do you believe the standard environmental and labour audits used by global apparel brands are capable of capturing and addressing the kinds of climate-related risks your study exposes?
Laurie Parsons: The issue of heat stress is a relatively new topic in the apparel sector, although it has been a problem faced by workers for many years. Since the industrial sustainability agenda in the sector has focused so much on mitigating carbon emissions, the issue of adapting to our changing climate has gone almost totally unnoticed. Even as many of the industry’s 70 million workers face dangerous temperatures, many factories lack even a thermometer—let alone any means of ensuring that temperatures remain within safe limits.

Your work identifies a growing mismatch between rising temperatures and the physical demands of labour. In the context of the apparel supply chain, what do you think needs to change—either in factory practices or sourcing models—to align with the physiological limits of human labour under extreme heat?
Laurie Parsons: One underappreciated point about the garment industry is its own variegation, even within a single factory. If you work in an ironing section, or in the warehouse, then your risk of heat stress is far greater than if you work in the sewing section. So, however small the context, we can never ignore labour as a factor in heat stress. On a basic level, heat comes from outside the body and inside, so if you’re only considering the outside, then you’re missing half the problem.

You describe how climate-linked heat inequality reflects deeper structural issues in the global economy. How should garment-producing countries and international buyers work together to ensure that the transition to a climate-resilient industry does not come at the expense of already-vulnerable workers?
Laurie Parsons: As well as addressing the misconception that heat stress is purely a feature of the atmosphere, we also need to confront the idea that labour is a feature of the space in which it occurs. The garment sector, like many other sectors is now an integrated part of the “global factory” of work. This means that conditions in a Cambodian garment factory are not the results of Cambodian governance, but of economic systems that stretch far beyond Cambodian borders. This presents both responsibility and opportunity: lead firms need to fix this problem, but they also have great power to do so.

Laurie Parsons
Dr Laurie Parsons
Reader, Human Geography
Royal Holloway, University of London

One underappreciated point about the garment industry is its own variegation, even within a single factory. If you work in an ironing section, or in the warehouse, then your risk of heat stress is far greater than if you work in the sewing section. So, however small the context, we can never ignore labour as a factor in heat stress.

The 'Oppressive Heat' Project

Extreme temperatures already claim more lives around the world than any other natural hazard and under climate change this risk is increasing. Nevertheless, whilst the scale of the problem is increasingly recognised, understanding the lived experience of excess heat is a major research challenge.

Focusing on Cambodia, one of the world’s hottest and most humid countries, Oppressive Heat shows how climate impacts are shaped by positionality within the dynamic and interconnected global workplace. Aiming to initiate and develop a crucial new social-environmental scientific nexus on the working body under climate change, we work actively with governments, unions and scholars to reshape global understanding of heat stress in our warming world.

The authors of the paper, Climate-linked heat inequality in the global southern workforce: Cambodian workers’ economic and health vulnerability to high core temperatures in five occupational sectors, are Laurie Parsons, Pratik Mishra, Jennifer Cole, Sabina Lawreniuk, and Ly Vouch Long.

The Oppressive Heat project emphasises that heat stress is not solely a physical phenomenon but deeply intertwined with social and occupational structures. In the context of Cambodia's garment industry—where many workers are women engaged in repetitive tasks within poorly ventilated factories—how do these social determinants amplify the risks of heat-related illnesses?
Laurie Parsons: A key point of our project is that the risks that emerge from climate change aren’t simply a feature of the warming atmosphere. As temperatures rise they create hazards, but those hazards only result in problems for humans, once they are filtered through the social and economic context of the work that we do. The poorer you are, in general, the greater your risk from climate change – whether heat stress or anything else. So, there is no more effective policy for reducing those risks than a fair workplace and fair pay.

What interventions would you recommend to address both the environmental and socio-economic factors contributing to heat vulnerability in this sector?
Laurie Parsons: Unions and collective bargaining are a hugely important part of mitigating heat stress. Workers need a channel to report heat stress to management and a set of mechanisms to resolve in partnership between workers and factories. Factories that have these mechanisms in place have a 75% lower risk of heat stress than those that don’t. So if factories and brands are serious about reducing heat stress they need to listen to workers and act on what they say.

Workers are actually very good at identifying when they are in danger of overheating, but in many work settings, they don’t have the option to stop or slow down. This means they overheat and risk health problems not as a result of the ambient temperature, but of the combination of that temperature with a labour regime that doesn’t allow them the freedom to mitigate it.

Subir Ghosh

SUBIR GHOSH is a Kolkata-based independent journalist-writer-researcher who writes about environment, corruption, crony capitalism, conflict, wildlife, and cinema. He is the author of two books, and has co-authored two more with others. He writes, edits, reports and designs. He is also a professionally trained and qualified photographer.

 
 
 
  • Dated posted: 14 May 2025
  • Last modified: 14 May 2025