The Human Story Inside Ethiopia’s Textile Parks: Survival, Change and Hope

Once they begin working, what do you hear most often about the daily trade-offs — between work and family life, income and exhaustion, stability and aspiration? Is there a distinct pattern?

Michaela Fink: The women miss the safety and sense of belonging that village life provides, yet they are also relieved to escape its constraints. Poor housing conditions and the long commute to work are common complaints—especially the fear of assault or robbery on the way, often in the dark. Some have children left behind with their families or caretakers.

The main grievance concerns the low income. Many express frustration about the lack of opportunities for promotion and the fact that they only perform fragmented tasks, learning nothing that would enable them to start a small sewing business of their own. Workers also lament the employers’ lack of understanding when illness causes absence.

How do factory jobs reshape social identities — especially for women who may be navigating new forms of independence and urban life? How much say do they have in their own lives?
Michaela Fink: Some women emphasise that their jobs promise new freedoms: the chance to make decisions about their own lives and their own money. Yet, in practice, there is little room for such freedom—whether in time or finances. Most describe the work simply as a means of survival. Many try to pursue college studies alongside factory work, often with financial help from their families.

What do workers say about life around the factory — housing, food, healthcare, childcare, or transport? Where do they feel most let down, and where do they see improvements?
Michaela Fink: Many complain about the lack of affordable accommodation nearby the industrial parks. As a result, they live in small, very modest shared accommodations, often at the periphery. Factory food, where it is available, is generally considered poor. Many cook in the evenings together with other women. Healthcare services provided by companies are usually described as inadequate. The option to place children in a crèche on the factory premises exists only in rare cases.

You’ve written about the subtle forms of discipline and control that shape everyday work. How do workers themselves describe the balance between supervision, respect, and exploitation? How pro-active are they in terms of upskilling or changing attitudes?
Michaela Fink: Many complain of being treated harshly and disrespectfully by supervisors. They feel unappreciated, especially given the minimal wages that barely cover living expenses. They must quickly adapt from familiar rural ways to the pace and discipline of industrial work. Many succeed in doing so, proving their flexibility. Punctuality issues, absenteeism and job dropouts often result from extreme stress and exhaustion. Considering six-day workweeks—often with extra hours to supplement meager pay—and monotonous routines, this is hardly surprising.

How do traditional expectations — around gender roles, family obligations, or community reputation — interact with women’s wage labour in these industrial spaces?
Michaela Fink: The decision of young women to take factory jobs is generally supported by parents and husbands. However, once it becomes clear that expectations are not being met, family members often urge them to look for alternative work or return to the village. Factory work does not enjoy high social status in the community—too much labour for too little money. Married couples report that they usually make decisions on household expenses jointly and on equal terms.

It is often noted that younger people who work in the city bring new values into traditional communities, which elders see as a threat to cultural foundations. At the same time, formal education through schools or colleges is viewed positively—as a path to prosperity and modernisation

Many workers see factory jobs as temporary stepping stones rather than long-term careers. What does that tell us about their sense of belonging and future prospects?
Michaela Fink: Many hope that factory work will give them a foothold in the city—allowing them to pursue education or start a small business of their own. These are steps toward individualisation and emancipation. Returning to an agricultural life then becomes difficult. In this sense, textile work brings about profound social change. At the same time, they know that in times of crisis—such as during the pandemic or war—the family network offers greater security than factory employment ever could.

What kinds of ripple effects have you observed in local communities near the industrial parks — in terms of housing, small businesses, or social norms?
Textile workers bring a degree of modernisation back to their villages: new consumer desires emerge, though they often remain unfulfilled, and dissatisfaction with rural life grows. Traditional family structures begin to shift. Village life starts to appear unattractive and in need of development. Yet, some voices say: If our village had electricity and clean water, we would prefer rural life to the city. They add: In the city, everything costs money and the air is bad.

Another aspect: workers complain that landlords demand high rents because they assume women in textile factories earn a lot. The women wish for government regulation of rental prices.

How do workers and their families cope with the stresses of low pay, long hours, and social pressure? Are informal networks, churches, or NGOs filling the gaps left by formal institutions?
Michaela Fink: Faced with work stress and poor pay, women often respond through absenteeism or quitting their jobs. New bonds are forming among women—ties that risk dissolving traditional village structures. Although many still attend church on Sundays, even in the city, their attachment to religion and tradition is loosening, along with the sense of security and orientation these once provided.

Finally, if you were to ask workers and local community members what they think needs to change most urgently, what would they say? What would a fairer and more humane garment economy look like from their perspective? 
Michaela Fink: Unquestionably, better pay is the top demand. Other wishes include shorter working hours, improved canteen food, affordable housing near the industrial parks (to reduce commuting time), and respectful treatment. Training opportunities and prospects for advancement are also high on the list.