Brazil Cotton: Traceability Promises Are Running Ahead of What Most Farmers Can Actually Deliver

The pressures reshaping cotton cultivation across Latin America are real, but they do not fall evenly. Scale, technology access and market proximity determine which producers absorb disruption and which do not. Nelson Dias Suassuna, senior researcher at Embrapa, draws a clear line between the sector's two operating realities and the distinct futures each one faces.

Long Story, Cut Short
  • Latin American cotton splits into two distinct systems: large-scale export production and family-based cultivation with cultural and economic significance.
  • Brazil's Cerrado dominance grew from the convergence of research, mechanisation, producer organisation and public financing after the boll weevil crisis.
  • Biological inputs are growing strategically in Brazil, while gossypol-free seed varieties and boll-weevil-resistant cultivars remain commercially distant prospects.
Decades of agricultural science have made Brazil a global cotton force, demonstrating what sustained public research investment can deliver for an entire sector.
RESEARCH DIVIDEND Decades of agricultural science have made Brazil a global cotton force, demonstrating what sustained public research investment can deliver for an entire sector. Nelson Dias Suassuna / Embrapa

texfash:Across Latin America, cotton cultivation is being asked to do several things at once — stay competitive, absorb climate risk, meet traceability demands, and keep smaller growers from being pushed out. Which of these pressures is proving most structurally disruptive on the ground?
Nelson Dias Suassuna: When discussing cotton production in Latin America, we must divide it into two groups: cotton produced in a highly technified system with intensive use of inputs and cutting-edge technologies, from crop planning to fibre shipment, destined almost exclusively for export to Asian countries, represented by medium, large, and giant producers in Brazil and Argentina. The commodity cotton produced by this group is of the Upland type (Gossypium hirsutum).

On the other hand, cotton is cultivated using lower technological standards by numerous small and medium-sized producers in practically all other countries, representing significant economic and social support. This second group includes the emblematic cases of Peruvian Pima cotton (Gossypium barbadense), grown mainly on the northern coast of Peru, particularly in the Piura region. Production is characterised by manual harvesting and takes place in valleys with ideal climatic conditions (dry climate and high luminosity). It is a traditional crop with ancient roots in the region. Another prominent example is naturally coloured cotton grown in the semi-arid region of Northeast Brazil, mainly in the state of Paraíba, constituting a sustainable and valued raw material in the fashion industry, harvested by hand and cultivated primarily without pesticides.

Therefore, we have two distinct scenarios, with different disruptive pressures. For commodity cotton, the main pressure is to remain economically competitive against synthetic fibres. For cotton produced on a small scale, often family-run, the main disruptive pressure is to avoid the exclusion of small producers, seeking economic sustainability combined with local development.

The region is clearly not moving at one speed: Brazil is highly scaled and export-oriented, while elsewhere cotton remains closely tied to family farming, local seed systems and rural livelihoods. Does Latin America still have a coherent cotton future, or are these now effectively different sectors sharing the same crop?
Nelson Dias Suassuna: As mentioned in the first question, South America presents two distinct cotton production scenarios, each with different aspirations. In the first scenario, cotton production for export to Asia, Brazil has become the world's largest exporter of fibres. Thus, this type of cotton producer seeks higher productivity levels and better fibre quality.

For small-scale agriculture, the key differentiator will be adding value to the fibre or seed, or both, either through the production of higher value-added fibres (long/extra-long fibres, such as Peruvian Pima cotton or naturally coloured cotton in the semi-arid region of Brazil). But perhaps the most important factor for this second scenario is the organisation of producers into associations or cooperatives.

Digital tools, traceability systems and sustainability protocols are being presented across the region as the route to stronger market access. Where does that story still run ahead of practical farm reality, especially in places where costs, training and infrastructure remain weak?
Nelson Dias Suassuna: All of this is true for cotton produced on a large scale, which has helped Brazil become the world's largest exporter of cotton fibre. However, there is still a long way to go, especially in countries where cotton cultivation is incipient or where it is done only to meet local demands.

In your article in the 'ICAC Recorder', Brazil's rise rests on three linked shifts: migration of production into the Cerrado, strong producer organisation, and research-led adaptation of cotton to that biome. Which of these was the real turning point, and which one still gets too little credit?
Nelson Dias Suassuna: The three points are convergent and interconnected. I would add two more factors that are no less important: the innovative spirit of the Brazilian cotton growers and public and private agricultural financing. Now, returning to the initial points, it is important to highlight the reason for the migration of cotton-producing areas in the 1980s. At that time, the largest areas of land cultivated with cotton were located in the semi-arid region of Northeast Brazil (Caatinga biome) with perennial cotton (Gossypium hirsutum race Marie Galante) with high-quality fibre and very low productivity. There was also cotton production in the southeast/south of the country, mainly in the states of São Paulo and Paraná with Upland cotton.

With the arrival in Brazil of the cotton boll weevil (Anthonomus grandis) in the 1980s, the already weakened crops in the Northeast of the country were practically decimated. This fact also contributed to the decline in production in the South/Southeast, causing cultivation regions to migrate to the Central-West, in the Cerrado biome, with a more suitable climate and larger farms more suited to mechanisation. The adoption of cutting-edge technology, especially for cotton harvest, attracted producers, who were also favoured by research conducted by Embrapa, including the development of cotton cultivars that combined productivity and fibre quality adapted to this new environment.

Mechanisation initiatives in the 1990s (such as at Itamarati Norte Farm) demonstrated the viability of large-scale production, focusing on high productivity and fibre quality. Soon after, in 1999, Abrapa (Brazilian Cotton Producers Association) was created, initiating greater organisation of the sector, both from a production and institutional standpoint. The combination of these factors resulted in increased strength for Brazilian cotton.

Nelson Dias Suassuna
Nelson Dias Suassuna
Senior Researcher
Embrapa

For small-scale agriculture, the key differentiator will be adding value to the fibre or seed, or both, either through the production of higher value-added fibres (long/extra-long fibres, such as Peruvian Pima cotton or naturally coloured cotton in the semi-arid region of Brazil). But perhaps the most important factor for this second scenario is the organisation of producers into associations or cooperatives.

You note that Brazil remains globally competitive despite sharply higher production costs, especially for chemicals, fertilisers and biotechnology fees. How durable is that model if input inflation persists and climate instability keeps raising production risk?
Nelson Dias Suassuna: Brazilian cotton exports are competitive because of their high productivity, achieved through the use of cutting-edge genetics, advanced biotechnologies, intensive use of chemical and biological inputs, and favoured by the climate and soil conditions found in the Cerrado region. However, profit margins are not large, although still at comfortable levels.

Medium and large-scale cotton producers in Brazil have invested heavily in machinery and fibre processing infrastructure; therefore, they may reduce the cultivated area at some point, but they will not abandon cotton cultivation in the short and medium term due to any crisis that further inflates input costs. To ensure greater competitiveness of the national fibre, efforts are being made to constantly improve fibre quality and logistics.

To mitigate potential climate instabilities, significant efforts are being made to increase the area of irrigated crops, especially in regions with less predictable rainy seasons. For example, the state of Bahia, the second largest national cotton producer, has more than tripled its irrigated area in recent years, reaching over 40% of the cotton cultivated area under irrigation. In the state of Mato Grosso, the main national producer, responsible for approximately 71% of all national fibre production, irrigated areas are less frequent, since the rainy season is much more predictable.

Your piece argues that the next stage for Brazil includes boll-weevil-resistant cultivars, biological controls, Pima adapted to the Cerrado and even gossypol-free seeds for new end uses. Which of these is genuinely strategic for the sector's future, and which is still more promise than commercial reality?
Nelson Dias Suassuna: Currently, cotton produced in Brazil is moving towards improving fibre quality. Ensuring high-quality fibres (with greater length, strength, and appropriate fineness) and free from impurities can lead to higher prices for these fibres in the international market. In addition, the production of long staple cultivars (similar to or superior to the American Acala) is already underway in small commercial areas.

In addition to fibre quality, the use of biological inputs has increased significantly in recent years, and is also strategic for the sector's future, proving highly relevant both for reducing production costs and increasing the sustainability of cotton cultivation.

In the medium term, gossypol-free cotton varieties will be available for using the cottonseed in non-ruminant animal feed. With regard to Pima cotton, there is still a long way to go in adapting and selecting it for the Cerrado environment, due to its high susceptibility to diseases that occur in tropical environments, particularly foliar diseases favoured by the humid and hot climate of this region.

In the more distant future, it is hoped that biotechnological events for resistance to the cotton boll weevil will be obtained through transgenesis, but there has been no significant progress in this direction yet.

Brazil's Cotton Ascent
  • Brazil became the world's largest cotton fibre exporter, a position built on Cerrado mechanisation, research investment and producer organisation since the 1990s.
  • Embrapa developed cotton cultivars combining high productivity and fibre quality adapted specifically to the Cerrado's climate and soil conditions.
  • Abrapa, the Brazilian Cotton Producers Association, was founded in 1999, marking a turning point in the sector's institutional and commercial coordination.
  • The state of Mato Grosso accounts for approximately 71% of national fibre production, benefiting from a reliable rainy season that limits irrigation dependency.
  • Bahia, the second largest producer, has more than tripled its irrigated cotton area, with over 40% of cultivated land now under irrigation.
Latin America's Other Cotton
  • Peruvian Pima cotton (Gossypium barbadense), grown mainly in the Piura region, is harvested by hand in dry, high-luminosity valleys with ancient cultivation roots.
  • Naturally coloured cotton from Northeast Brazil's semi-arid region, primarily in Paraíba state, is grown largely without pesticides and valued by the fashion industry.
  • Small and family producers across Latin America face the greatest structural risk: economic exclusion as commodity-scale systems dominate market access and financing.
  • Producer cooperatives and associations are identified as critical to the sustainability of small-scale cotton farming across the region's lower-technology systems.
  • Long-staple cultivar development, similar to American Acala, is already under way in Brazil in small commercial areas, targeting premium international market segments.

Subir Ghosh

SUBIR GHOSH is a Kolkata-based independent journalist-writer-researcher who writes about environment, corruption, crony capitalism, conflict, wildlife, and cinema. He is the author of two books, and has co-authored two more with others. He writes, edits, reports and designs. He is also a professionally trained and qualified photographer.

 
 
 
Dated posted: 18 May 2026 Last modified: 18 May 2026